Imagine two equally capable people sitting in the same room, reading the same article about what makes a good entrepreneur. One person walks away feeling energised. The other walks away feeling like entrepreneurship is not really for them.
Same information. Completely different reactions. Why?
This paper's answer is both simple and unsettling: it depends on the words used to describe entrepreneurship, and whether those words match or clash with the gender of the reader.
Gupta, Turban, and Pareek ran a clever experiment with 429 business students in India. They gave different groups of students different news articles, each linking entrepreneurship with either masculine traits (aggressive, risk-taking, autonomous) or feminine traits (caring, humble, relationship-building).
Some articles were subtle (just described the traits, no gender mentioned), while others were blatant (explicitly linked those traits to masculinity or femininity and gave gender-specific examples).
Then they asked everyone to evaluate the same business opportunity. The result? The language used in the article dramatically shifted how men and women rated the opportunity, in patterns that were almost mirror images of each other.
Prior research had established that men, on average, rate business opportunities more favourably than women. The easy explanation was that this difference was biological or deeply psychological. This paper challenges that directly. It says: this gap is at least partly situational.
Change the framing of entrepreneurship, and women's confidence in evaluating opportunities rises. That has massive implications for classrooms, media, startup culture, and policy. ๐
Stereotype Activation Theory is the engine driving this paper. It says that when stereotypical information about a group is made cognitively available, it influences how people think and behave โ but the way it is presented matters as much as the content itself.
- SubtleTraits are described without labelling them as masculine or feminine. The stereotype enters the mind quietly, like background music. Result: people tend to assimilate โ they think and act in line with the stereotype.
- BlatantTraits are explicitly labelled as masculine or feminine, with examples. The stereotype hits people in the face. Result: people tend to react against the stereotype โ a phenomenon called psychological reactance.
When you subtly tell someone "great entrepreneurs are assertive and autonomous," a man reads this and unconsciously thinks: "That sounds like me." His confidence rises. A woman reads it and may unconsciously absorb the implicit signal that entrepreneurship is not her territory. Her evaluation drops.
But flip the switch to blatant. Now the article says "these are masculine traits, typical of male entrepreneurs." The man relaxes โ the flattery feels hollow. The woman fires up. She perceives this as a challenge to her freedom, and psychological reactance kicks in. She pushes back and rates the opportunity higher. ๐ช
Hypothesis 1 โ Masculine Stereotype ๐ผ
H1a: Men rate opportunity higher when the masculine stereotype is subtle (vs. blatant).
H1b: Women rate opportunity higher when the masculine stereotype is blatant (vs. subtle).
Hypothesis 2 โ Feminine Stereotype ๐ธ
H2a: Women rate opportunity higher when the feminine stereotype is subtle (vs. blatant).
H2b: Men rate opportunity higher when the feminine stereotype is blatant (vs. subtle).
Together these form a 3-way interaction: gender ร stereotype content ร manner of activation. It is the same logical structure, but running in perfectly opposite directions for masculine and feminine stereotypes. ๐
Most prior stereotype activation research was done in Western countries and focused almost exclusively on masculine stereotypes. India offered two important advantages.
First, India has a relatively high rate of women entrepreneurs (~14%), providing visible feminine role models in business โ which makes it culturally plausible to link entrepreneurship with feminine traits. Second, Indian culture tends to view personal attributes as more flexible and changeable than Western "essentialist" cultures, making people more open to associating typically male-coded domains with feminine qualities.
- 1Students were randomly assigned to one of 6 conditions: subtle masculine, blatant masculine, subtle feminine, blatant feminine, control (no stereotype), or gender-neutral.
- 2Each group read a one-page fictitious news article tailored to their condition. The articles were adapted from validated U.S. instruments with Indian names (e.g., Dhirubhai Ambani, Ekta Kapoor) as examples.
- 3Participants answered a comprehension check. Only those who understood the manipulation correctly (n=298, ~70%) were included in the analysis.
- 4All participants then read the same ambiguous business opportunity scenario (a fictitious venture by "Jaspreet Ahluwalia") and rated it on a 3-item, 5-point Likert scale.
- 5Statistical analysis: a 2ร2ร2 ANOVA testing the three-way interaction between gender, stereotype content, and activation manner.
The core finding was a significant 3-way interaction (F = 10.92, p < .01), confirming that gender, stereotype content, and manner of presentation collectively shaped opportunity evaluations.
| Condition | Men (mean) | Women (mean) | Pattern |
|---|---|---|---|
| Subtle Masculine | 4.03 | 3.57 | Men higher โ (H1a: not significant) |
| Blatant Masculine | 4.08 | 3.95 | Women higher โ H1b supported |
| Subtle Feminine | 3.43 | 3.88 | Women higher โ H2a supported |
| Blatant Feminine | 3.83 | 3.42 | Men higher โ H2b supported |
The authors offer a nuanced cultural explanation. In relational societies like India, where responsibility to family and community takes precedence over individual achievement, men may not feel that masculine stereotypes grant them an unfair advantage. So when the masculine stereotype was blatantly presented, Indian men did not feel the anxiety of living up to a high bar โ they simply stayed confident regardless of framing.
The gender gap in opportunity evaluation is not fixed. It is situationally constructed. Simply changing the language used to describe entrepreneurship โ without altering any objective facts about the opportunity itself โ can raise or lower women's (and men's) confidence. Language is infrastructure. ๐๏ธ
This paper is not just for academics. Its findings are directly actionable for anyone involved in hiring, training, investing, or teaching entrepreneurship.
How you describe your programme matters. If your application page, your pitch deck templates, and your mentors all use language like "aggressive growth," "take no prisoners," and "bold disruption," you are subtly activating a masculine stereotype. Women in your pipeline will unconsciously feel less aligned with the opportunity, even if no one says anything explicitly gendered.
The paper explicitly calls out classrooms, books, and case studies as key sites of stereotype reinforcement. Most entrepreneurship cases feature men. Most "heroic founder" narratives are masculine. These are not neutral pedagogical choices โ they carry an invisible curriculum that shapes who feels they belong in entrepreneurship.
Investors who only look for founders who embody "aggressive, risk-taking, autonomous" qualities are not running a neutral filter. They are running a gendered one. This bias is often invisible because it feels like a preference for "the right founder profile."
Every Forbes profile of a "self-made disruptor," every podcast intro describing a founder as a "savage competitor," every startup documentary framing success as conquest โ these are pieces of stereotype activation content operating at massive scale.
The paper shows that this language shapes who evaluates opportunities as worth pursuing. Media shapes the pipeline before investors or accelerators ever see it. The responsibility is significant. ๐บ
The findings also contain a warning. Blatant positive framing can backfire. If you over-explicitly tell women "entrepreneurship is for women too!" it can trigger reactance in men. The subtlety of the intervention matters. This is not about swapping masculine words for feminine words โ it is about broadening the vocabulary of entrepreneurship so that it does not signal exclusion to anyone.
- GuptaVishal K. Gupta โ Professor of Strategy, State University of New York (Binghamton). Lead author and VSSER-2026 spearhead. His research examines gender, leadership, and entrepreneurship across cultural contexts.
- TurbanDaniel B. Turban โ Professor and Department Chair, University of Missouri. Expert in organisational behaviour and stereotype threat in professional settings.
- PareekAshish Pareek โ Assistant Professor, Maharshi Dayanand Saraswati University, Ajmer, India. Provided deep familiarity with the Indian cultural and entrepreneurial context for this study.
The authors are refreshingly candid about what their study cannot tell us.
- Single CountryTesting in India alone means we cannot yet generalise to other cultures. The feminine stereotype activation may not work in Western societies where entrepreneurship is more rigidly coded as masculine.
- Time LagParticipants evaluated the opportunity immediately after reading the article. Real-world stereotype effects may accumulate over days or weeks and could be stronger.
- Single SourceReal people are exposed to stereotypes from many simultaneous sources โ TV, social media, conversations. A single news article is a thin approximation of that complexity.
- Student SampleBusiness students are a relevant but not fully representative group. Actual entrepreneurs in diverse industries may respond differently.